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November 01, 2025

India Without Bharat: The Ideological Decline of a Nation

 





What survives is not the plural soul of Bharat but a hollow India where debate is silenced, dissent criminalised, and history rewritten.

History has a cruel sense of humour. A land that once debated metaphysics under banyan trees now argues over WhatsApp forwards. A civilisation that produced Ashoka’s edicts, Buddha’s sermons, Kabir’s dohas, and Akbar’s dialogues now finds its leaders distributing history lessons via television anchors who confuse mythology with policy. Welcome to India of the RSS, loud, insecure, and allergic to the very idea of Bharat.

When Bharat Still Breathed

Bharat was never a flat, monochrome canvas. Ashoka, after the carnage of Kalinga, turned from conquest to Dhamma, carving in stone his call for tolerance and compassion.

Ashoka engraved tolerance on stone, today’s rulers engrave vengeance in concrete.

Bimbisara welcomed Buddha and Mahavira alike. The Chalukyas and Pallavas encouraged Sanskrit, Prakrit, and Tamil together, nurturing multiple streams of faith and philosophy. The Upanishads declared Ekam Sat, Vipra Bahudha Vadanti — truth is one, the wise speak of it in many ways. Compare that with today’s rulers who thunder that truth is one and it must be spoken only in their language, preferably in a Sanskritised Hindi that feels more imposed than inspired.

Encounters and Synthesis

The slave dynasties, Delhi Sultans, and later the Mughals brought conquest. But Bharat did not dissolve. It absorbed, debated, and created synthesis. Akbar invited pandits, ulema, Jesuit priests, and Zoroastrians to one table. His experiment was about coexistence, not control.

Bhakti and Sufi saints became bridges, their verses mocking hollow ritual and affirming love. Kabir stood in the bazaar and prayed for everyone. Today the same bazaar is flooded with trolls praying for lynchings in the name of nationalism. Bharat conversed with the other, India under the RSS cannot tolerate a question.

The Colonial Turn

The British shattered India not just economically but intellectually. They codified caste, hardened religious identities, and invented the arithmetic of majority and minority. Yet even in that fractured time, Bharat’s spirit fought back.

Raja Ram Mohan Roy challenged superstition, Vivekananda spoke of universal humanity, Gandhi weaponised non-violence, Ambedkar wrote a Constitution that enshrined liberty, equality, and fraternity. The freedom movement united Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, atheists, feminists, and peasants.

And what was the RSS doing? It sat out of the freedom struggle, whispered admiration for Mussolini and Hitler, and sneered at the tricolour. It inherited not Ashoka’s Dhamma or Gandhi’s satyagraha, but an imported cult of uniformity.

While Gandhi spun the charkha, the RSS spun excuses.

India That Is Not Bharat

Fast forward to today. The RSS claims to be the custodian of Indian culture. But their India is not Bharat. It is a hollow brand project packaged in saffron and sold through IT cells.

Universities that once stood for dissent are now laboratories of ideological policing. The New Education Policy does not liberate minds, it standardises obedience. History is no longer taught, it is airbrushed. Mughals vanish, Ambedkar is diluted, Gandhi is shrunk, Savarkar is inflated. Even Bhisham Sahni’s Tamas, a literary classic on Partition, is refashioned to suit propaganda. Theatre, cinema, literature — everything must now pass a loyalty test.

Bharat gave the world depth, RSS gives the world theatricality.

Language is weaponised. Bharat once embraced Tamil, Odia, Kannada, Urdu, Persian, and countless dialects. Today’s rulers push Sanskritised Hindi as the only marker of nationalism. The result is not unity but linguistic indigestion.

Religion, once a field of philosophy and questioning, is reduced to hashtags and mob justice. Saints who challenged power are replaced by media-savvy godmen who bless bulldozers and endorse politicians.

The Theatre of Present Affairs

Today’s headlines would be comic if they were not tragic.

Manipur burns, communities are displaced, yet Delhi remains silent for months. Bulldozer justice demolishes homes before courts can hear cases. The Enforcement Directorate and CBI, once institutions of law, are now instruments of intimidation. Opposition leaders are raided at dawn, defectors rewarded by dusk.

Media houses act as extensions of the ruling party’s messaging. Anchors roar on cue, debates resemble battlefields, and journalism has become a televised loyalty parade.

Unemployment soars, farmers’ protests are ignored, and yet there is time to rename cities, rewrite textbooks, and police dinner plates. The National Education Policy is paraded as reform while many academics feel pushed out by ideology. The Constitution, a modern Upanishad, is being hollowed out in spirit. Fraternity has been replaced by frenzy, secularism by sloganeering, equality by exclusion.

In Bharat knowledge was debated, in India news is shouted.

Reclaiming Bharat

The tragedy is clear. India may survive on the map, but Bharat suffocates. Bharat was Ashoka’s remorse, Akbar’s conversation, Kabir’s defiance, Gandhi’s satyagraha, Ambedkar’s law. India today is WhatsApp misinformation, bulldozer justice, and troll armies on payroll. Bharat was plural, India is paranoid. Bharat was confident, India is insecure. Bharat was wise, India is loud.

Reclaiming Bharat does not mean resurrecting empires or mythological fantasies. It means protecting plurality against uniformity, debate against dogma, and conscience against coercion. It means remembering that Bharat survived centuries of conquest and colonialism not by exclusion but by absorption.

If we fail, the loss will be greater than any foreign conquest. This time the coloniser is homegrown, garbed in saffron, and cheered by studios and timelines. Bharat is not dead yet, but it gasps under the weight of India. The question is, do we have the courage to reclaim it.


Author’s Introduction
Siddhartha Shankar Mishra is an Advocate at the Supreme Court of India. He writes on law, society, and the ideological challenges confronting Indian democracy. He can be reached at
ssmishra33@gmail.com

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