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Showing posts with label savarkar. Show all posts
Showing posts with label savarkar. Show all posts

February 12, 2026

Icons and Ironies in the Politics of Faith

 




History has a mischievous sense of humour. It delights in placing unlikely ingredients into the same political kitchen and watching later generations argue about the recipe. Few comparisons reveal this better than the public images and private ironies surrounding Savarkar, Gandhi, and Jinnah. Each became a towering symbol. Each is now packaged as a simplified mascot. And each, if resurrected, might politely decline the brochure written in his name.

Vinayak Damodar Savarkar presents the first paradox. A Chitpavan Brahmin who did not treat diet as destiny, he openly consumed meat and spoke in rational and utilitarian terms about cow protection and cow slaughter. His writings show that he approached the cow less as a divine mother and more as an economic animal. This alone is enough to make many of his present day admirers reach for selective quotation and spiritual white correction fluid. Savarkar’s personal habits were strikingly modern for his time. Anecdotes describe him as someone who enjoyed meat and fine drink, sometimes jokingly said to be paired with Zetsun whiskey, whether literally or in spirit. The larger point stands. His cultural politics was orthodox in identity but flexible in lifestyle. He separated personal conduct from political mobilisation with impressive convenience.

Savarkar was a master of ideological engineering. He understood that identity, when sharpened, becomes a political weapon more efficient than any sword. His project of Hindutva was not merely religious but civilisational and territorial. It was designed as a binding glue as well as a boundary wall. He wrote with clarity and force. He argued with discipline. He provoked with purpose. But there was also a theatrical quality to the construction. The champion of cultural purity was personally unburdened by ritual purity. The architect of Hindu consolidation was socially radical in some reforms yet rigid in civilisational definition. It is as if the chef refused to eat from the menu he so passionately marketed.

Then comes Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, who appears at first glance as Savarkar’s mirror opposite. A devout Hindu and a lifelong vegetarian, Gandhi turned personal discipline into public method. His politics wore a moral costume and often insisted that everyone else try it on. Yet Gandhi’s great disruption was not dietary but democratic. He invited disagreement. He tolerated critics. He argued in public and corrected himself in public. He spiritualised politics but also pluralised it. His Hinduism was deeply felt but rarely framed as a citizenship test.

Gandhi’s irony lies elsewhere. The most religious of the three often behaved in the most politically inclusive way. He could be stubborn, moralising, and occasionally impractical, but he did not build his politics on permanent enemies. He built it on conversion of hearts, including the hearts of his opponents. Empires prefer rebels with bombs. They find rebels with conscience extremely inconvenient. Gandhi’s method was slow, exasperating, and annoyingly humane. In a century addicted to strong medicine, he prescribed moral physiotherapy.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah completes the trio with perhaps the sharpest twist. Urbane, impeccably dressed, trained in law, and culturally Westernised, Jinnah was not known for religious orthodoxy in personal life. He enjoyed wine. Many accounts suggest he was indifferent to ritual observance. Some controversial claims even suggest dietary choices forbidden in Islam. Yet history crowned him as the great spokesman of Muslim political destiny. Nothing proves that politics is a costume party better than this transformation.

Jinnah was not a cleric. He was a constitutionalist who lost faith in constitutional guarantees. His demand for Pakistan grew not from seminary theology but from political distrust and strategic calculation. He mobilised religious identity with a lawyer’s precision rather than a preacher’s passion. The result was a religious nation argued into existence by a secular mind. It is one of history’s grand ironies that personal liberalism can sometimes produce public separation.

Here is where the satire matures. Savarkar and Jinnah, despite standing under different flags, used strikingly similar political techniques. Both converted community identity into political currency. Both warned their followers of cultural danger. Both argued that coexistence without dominance was a risky bargain. Their languages differed. Their symbols differed. Their emotional audiences differed. Their strategic grammar often did not. Each ran a campaign of civilisational anxiety with impressive intellectual packaging.

Gandhi alone refused to fully enter this marketplace of fear. He spoke of civilisation too, but as an ethical experiment rather than a guarded fortress. While the other two drafted blueprints for political separation of identities, Gandhi drafted invitations for moral coexistence. He was frequently ignored, sometimes opposed, and eventually canonised in ways that also simplify him unfairly. Saints are often edited more aggressively than sinners.

The lesson is not that one man was pure and the others were villains. The lesson is that political memory is a talented fiction writer. It removes inconvenient habits, upgrades symbolic value, and airbrushes contradictions. The meat eating nationalist becomes a mascot of ritual culture. The secular barrister becomes an icon of religious destiny. The spiritual democrat becomes a harmless statue on currency notes.

If there is humour in this, it is dry and durable. History does not just repeat itself. It also rebrands itself. And the loudest brand ambassadors are often those who have not read the full manual.

Siddhartha Shankar Mishra is an advocate at the Supreme Court of India and a commentator on law, politics and society. His writings blend legal insight with social critique and aim to provoke reflection on power, justice and public conscience.

 

Disclaimer : - The views expressed here are interpretive and satirical in nature, meant for discussion and reflection, not personal or religious offence.

January 30, 2026

Joining the Dots: When Ideology Pulled the Trigger on Gandhi

 




Joining the Dots: When Ideology Pulled the Trigger on Gandhi

On January 30, 1948, Mahatma Gandhi was shot dead at Birla House. The assassin was Nathuram Godse. But assassinations are never solitary acts. They are the final outcome of a long process — of ideological grooming, public incitement, moral sanction, and social rehearsal. Bullets may end a life, but ideas prepare the ground.

Gandhi was not merely murdered. He was systematically silenced.


Savarkar: The Blessing Before the Bullets

Any serious examination of Gandhi’s assassination collapses if Vinayak Damodar Savarkar is airbrushed out. The most incriminating evidence pointing to Savarkar’s role came not from conjecture, but from sworn testimony during the trial.

Digambar Badge, an arms dealer and close associate of Nathuram Godse and Narayan Apte, turned approver in the case. His statement is part of the court record and is reproduced in detail in Tushar Gandhi’s Let’s Kill Gandhi: A Chronicle of His Last Days, the Conspiracy, Murder, Investigation and Trial.

Badge testified that on January 17, 1948, barely thirteen days before the assassination, Godse suggested that the conspirators take a final darshan of “Tatyarao” Savarkar. They went to Savarkar Sadan in Bombay. Godse and Apte went upstairs, returned after five to ten minutes, and were followed by Savarkar himself, who blessed them with the words:

“Yashasvi houn ya” — Be successful and return.

In Maharashtrian cultural context, such words are not casual pleasantries. They are uttered before acts of consequence — journeys, battles, or decisive missions. Badge stated that he regarded Savarkar as a devta until the end of his life. That reverence makes his testimony harder, not easier, to dismiss.

Savarkar was acquitted due to lack of corroborative evidence. But acquittal is not moral exoneration. Criminal law demands proof beyond reasonable doubt. History asks a different question: why would assassins seek Savarkar’s blessing on the eve of murder, and why would he give it?

Savarkar did not need to issue instructions. His blessing functioned as moral sanction. It told the assassins that what they were about to do was not a crime, but a duty.


 

An Ideology That Could Not Tolerate Gandhi

Savarkar’s Hindutva was fundamentally incompatible with Gandhi’s India. Gandhi believed the nation belonged equally to all its people. Savarkar believed it belonged primarily to those who fit a cultural and civilisational definition of Hindu identity. Gandhi saw non violence as moral strength. Savarkar dismissed it as weakness.

To extremist nationalists, Gandhi’s insistence on Hindu Muslim unity, his fasts to stop communal violence, and his demand that India honour its financial commitment to Pakistan were unforgivable. Gandhi was no longer a leader to be debated. He was an obstacle to be removed.


Public Incitement: When Killing Became a Slogan

By January 1948, hostility towards Gandhi had spilled openly onto the streets of Delhi. Contemporary accounts record slogans such as “Gandhi ko marne do, humko ghar do” being shouted publicly. Gandhi’s fast further enraged extremist groups who saw his moral authority as a direct threat.

On January 20, 1948, Madanlal Pahwa attempted to assassinate Gandhi with a bomb. He failed. Ten days later, Nathuram Godse succeeded.

Even before the murder, Gandhi’s death was being publicly rehearsed.

At Connaught Circus, about four kilometres from Birla House, a group of RSS men in khaki shorts, white shirts, and black caps were seen exercising vigorously and shouting slogans at the top of their voices:

“Buddhe ko marne do” — let the old man die.

The idea of Gandhi’s death had already been normalised.


RSS and the Sewak Reports: Preparing the Ground

The Sewak Reports — declassified intelligence files submitted to the court — contain transcripts of speeches made by MS Golwalkar, then Sarsanghchalak of the RSS. In early December 1947, Golwalkar addressed over 2,500 RSS volunteers in Delhi.

According to the report, Golwalkar said:

“The law cannot meet force. We should be prepared for guerrilla warfare on the lines of the tactics of Shivaji. The Sangh will not rest content until it has finished Pakistan. If anyone stands in our way, we will have to finish him too, whether it is the Nehru Government or any other government.”

And more directly:

“No power on earth can keep Muslims in Hindustan. Gandhi wants to keep them for Congress votes. But by the time elections come, not a single Muslim will be left here.”

These were not abstract speeches. They articulated the ideological logic of silencing Gandhi.

Days later, Gandhi was silenced.


The Weapon and the Act

On the evening of January 30, 1948, Nathuram Godse fired three bullets from a Beretta Model 1934 semi automatic pistol, an Italian made handgun, at point blank range. Gandhi collapsed.

Godse did not flee. He did not deny. He believed he had performed a necessary deed.


Celebration After the Murder

India mourned. But not everyone.

Investigative records and witness testimonies reveal that sweets were distributed in certain Hindu Mahasabha circles after news of Gandhi’s assassination spread. In Gwalior, a Hindu Mahasabha leader distributed sweets to party members and asked them to tune in to the radio that evening. After Gandhi was shot, sweets were again purchased and distributed among friends and family.

One individual described the killing as “a good deed,” stating that an opponent of Hindu religion had been eliminated and Hinduism would now be safe. Gandhi was referred to as an “avatar of Aurangzeb.”

Another witness recalled hearing it said openly:

“Gandhiji ko marne wala apna aadmi tha.”
The man who killed Gandhi was one of ours.

This was not madness. It was ideological approval.


Godse Was Not a Loner

Godse was not an outsider. He had been associated with the RSS, worked with the Hindu Mahasabha, and revered Savarkar as his guru. His newspaper Agrani reflected deep resentment against Gandhi and Muslims.

The claim that Godse had left the RSS before the assassination collapses under scrutiny.

On November 15, 1949, as he walked to the gallows, Godse recited the RSS prayer “Namaste Sada Vatsale Matrubhoome.” Even in death, he reaffirmed ideological belonging.

Years later, his brother Gopal Godse stated in an interview that they had never truly left the RSS and that it was like a family to them.


Golwalkar After the Assassination

Within twenty four hours of the murder, public opinion swung sharply against extremist groups. The Hindu Rashtra project collapsed overnight. Golwalkar rushed to salvage the organisation.

On February 1, 1948, he issued a statement invoking love and service, directing swayamsevaks to maintain harmony. This language stood in stark contrast to the venom directed at Gandhi weeks earlier, when he had been described as disloyal to Hindus and even threatened with being “silenced.”

The shift was tactical, not ideological.


Conclusion: An Unfinished Reckoning

Savarkar supplied the justification.
Golwalkar supplied mobilisation.
The RSS shakha supplied discipline and fraternity.
The Hindu Mahasabha supplied political direction.
Godse supplied the bullets.

The bullet was Godse’s.
The blueprint was older.

Courts deal in proof. History deals in patterns. And the pattern behind Gandhi’s murder is unmistakable.

If Gandhi’s death is to mean anything, it must compel us to confront uncomfortable truths — not with garlands or slogans, but with honesty.

Because bullets may kill a man once. Ideologies that justify them can kill a nation repeatedly.


 

 

About the Author

Siddhartha Shankar Mishra is an advocate at the Supreme Court of India and a commentator on law, politics and society. His writings blend legal insight with social critique and aim to provoke reflection on power, justice and public conscience.


References

1.    Appu Esthose Suresh & Priyanka Kotamraju, The Murderer, the Monarch and the Fakir, Juggernaut

2.    Tushar Gandhi, Let’s Kill Gandhi, Rupa

3.    Dhirendra K. Jha, Gandhi’s Assassin: The Making of Nathuram Godse, Penguin

4.    Justice J.L. Kapur Commission Report

5.    Sewak Reports, Intelligence Bureau Records

6.    A.G. Noorani, Savarkar and Hindutva, LeftWord

7.    Christophe Jaffrelot, The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics, Penguin

8.    Ramachandra Guha, India After Gandhi, HarperCollins

9.    Frontline magazine, interview with Gopal Godse

10. Gandhi Murder Trial records identifying the weapon as a Beretta Model 1934 pistol



Disclaimer: This piece is a historical analysis based on court records, commission reports, and established scholarship. Views expressed are the author’s interpretation of documented events and are intended solely for public understanding.

November 20, 2025

Bhagat Singh chose the gallows, Savarkar chose the petition

 



Bhagat Singh and Savarkar: The Gallows, The Petition, and the Two Paths of Freedom

 

Bhagat Singh chose the gallows, Savarkar chose the petition

Indian history brings together many brave figures, but few contrasts are as sharp as the one between Bhagat Singh, Vinayak Savarkar, and Mahatma Gandhi. All three opposed colonial rule, all three were imprisoned, all three shaped the political imagination of India. Yet the British treated each of them in dramatically different ways. Savarkar was transported to the Andaman Cellular Jail under the belief that he could be broken and controlled. Bhagat Singh was denied the option of transportation because the British feared that he would become unstoppable if he lived. Gandhi was never even considered for the Andamans because the British believed that his presence among political prisoners in a remote island would strengthen resistance, not weaken it. The empire made a different calculation for each man based on fear, strategy, and political consequence.

The story begins with Savarkar, one of the earliest revolutionaries associated with armed revolt against British rule. His writings and speeches encouraged violence, bomb making, and militant resistance. His association with Dhingra, who assassinated Curzon Wyllie in London, brought him under direct scrutiny. When Savarkar was arrested and sentenced to two life terms, the British believed that transportation to the Andamans would separate him from political activity and break the organisational chain that connected Indian revolutionaries in Europe and India.

Inside the Cellular Jail, Savarkar faced harsh punishment. The regime was brutal, with solitary confinement, hand driven oil mills, flogging, poor food, and complete communication blackout. Many prisoners collapsed mentally and physically under these conditions. Savarkar wrote multiple petitions to the British government asking for mercy, remission, or conditional release. In these petitions he offered to give up political activity, promised loyalty and good behaviour, and stated that he would follow the guidance of the government. These documents remain preserved in the archives and reveal a shift in tone and strategy.

The British examined these petitions carefully. They concluded that Savarkar was someone who could be managed. A man who sought release through repeated requests and promises was not a man who would continue armed revolution upon freedom. When he was finally removed from the Andamans and placed under strict restrictions in Ratnagiri, he accepted the conditions. His speeches were banned, his travel restricted, and his political activity suspended. The empire got exactly what it wanted. A revolutionary turned into a contained figure.

In complete contrast stood Bhagat Singh. He began his political journey as a revolutionary but soon became a philosopher of liberation. He read Marx, Lenin, Tolstoy, and European political thinkers with intense focus. He saw Indian independence not as a simple transfer of power but as a deeper social transformation which required the liberation of workers, peasants, and oppressed communities. His writings in jail displayed remarkable intellectual maturity and moral courage.

The British did not fear Bhagat Singh merely because he used violence. They feared him because he represented a new kind of revolutionary mind. When he launched a hunger strike for the rights of political prisoners, he became the most influential youth leader in the country. His fast lasted more than sixty days. Students held protests in Lahore, Delhi, and Calcutta. Labour groups organised marches in Bombay. Gandhi and Nehru spoke about him. The entire nation watched the struggle of one man inside a prison cell.

This changed everything for the British. A man who controls the political temperature of a subcontinent from inside jail becomes dangerous beyond measure. Transportation to the Andamans would not destroy Bhagat Singh. It would strengthen his legend. He would become a teacher to all political prisoners. His ideas would spread with even greater force. The empire had already witnessed how Irish revolutionaries turned prisons into political schools. It was not willing to repeat the same mistake in India.

Therefore, the British created a special tribunal for the Lahore Conspiracy Case through an extraordinary ordinance. This tribunal removed the right of appeal and ensured a fast conviction. Its purpose was simple. It blocked every legal pathway that could lead to transportation. The British did not want Bhagat Singh in the Andamans. They wanted him dead. They believed only death could neutralise his influence. This is why the execution was carried out secretly at night, the bodies burned without ceremony, and the ashes thrown into a river. Even in death, the British feared the fire of his ideas.

Now we come to Gandhi, whose treatment by the British was entirely different from both. Gandhi led the largest non violent mass movement in the world. His campaigns paralysed British administration more effectively than any bomb or gun. Yet the British never sent him to the Andamans. The question is why.

Gandhi was not transported to the Andamans because the British feared that his presence there would inspire the other political prisoners. Gandhi had the rare ability to transform a prison into a moral battlefield. If Gandhi were placed in the Cellular Jail, he would turn the entire Andaman penal colony into a centre of civil resistance. His presence would unite political prisoners, strengthen their resolve, and attract global attention. The British did not want the world to see Gandhi working under brutal prison conditions. They did not want hunger strikes and civil disobedience from a remote island becoming an international embarrassment. The empire recognised that Gandhi’s real power was moral. They could jail him in mainland prisons because it allowed them to manage public perception. But placing Gandhi in an island prison surrounded by torture would damage the imperial image beyond repair.

There was another reason. Gandhi did not believe in violent overthrow of the state. He did not run secret societies or armed groups. His philosophy of non violence allowed the British to manage him through conventional imprisonment. He could be jailed in Yerwada or Poona without creating a revolutionary storm inside an isolated jail. The British believed they could negotiate with Gandhi, postpone his campaigns, and use dialogue to reduce tension. None of this was possible with Bhagat Singh.

Therefore, Gandhi was always jailed within India. The British calculated that Gandhi’s politics, though powerful, could be contained by time bound imprisonment within mainland jails. But sending him to the Andamans would have created a martyr even more powerful than Bhagat Singh.

These three men demonstrate the three ways the British responded to political danger. Savarkar was transported because he could be broken and neutralised. Gandhi was kept in mainland prisons because his influence depended on public visibility and the empire could manage the optics. Bhagat Singh was executed because no prison, no island, and no negotiation could contain his ideas.

Bhagat Singh refused compromise. Savarkar accepted compromise. Gandhi negotiated but never surrendered his principles. The British understood these differences with clarity. Savarkar was the prisoner they could manage. Gandhi was the leader they could imprison but not silence. Bhagat Singh was the mind they could not afford to let live.

Bhagat Singh chose the gallows. Savarkar chose the petition. Gandhi chose the path of resistance through suffering. Each man created a different legacy, but history remembers who bowed and who stood firm. The empire calculated its moves based on fear. And the man they feared the most was the young revolutionary who embraced death with calm dignity.


Author Introduction
Siddhartha Shankar Mishra is an Advocate in the Supreme Court of India. He writes on history, politics, law, and society. Email id: ssmishra33@gmail.com

References
Lahore Conspiracy Case Records
British Government Ordinance for Special Tribunal, 1930
Collected Works of Bhagat Singh
Jail Notes of Bhagat Singh
National Archives of India documents on Savarkar
Cellular Jail Records and Petitions of Savarkar
Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi
British India Home Department Prison Records

 

May 28, 2025

The Patriot Who Knelt: Savarkar’s Journey from Revolutionary Icon to Ideological Revisionist

 




Once a firebrand who preached revolution, Savarkar’s real legacy may lie not in resistance—but in revision, retreat, and a loyalty for hire.


I. Prologue in Chains: The Revolutionary at the Gallows’ Edge

In the early 20th century, the name Vinayak Damodar Savarkar stirred both admiration and apprehension among the colonial authorities. A young barrister with a razor-sharp intellect and incendiary prose, Savarkar authored The First War of Indian Independence, 1857, a bold reinterpretation of the Sepoy Mutiny that recast the uprising as a pan-Indian revolution—a joint resistance by Hindus and Muslims against British rule. It was a vision of unity born out of shared suffering, a plea to forge nationalism from common trauma.

This book, banned even before it reached Indian shores, catapulted Savarkar to a cult status among militant nationalists. In London, he founded the Free India Society. In Bombay, he inspired secret societies of armed youth. When he was arrested for his involvement in revolutionary activities and transported to the Andaman Cellular Jail in 1911, it was not as a mere dissident—it was as a symbol of uncompromising resistance.

But symbols crack under pressure. And for Savarkar, the prison cell proved not just a crucible of punishment but one of profound transformation—and calculated recalibration.


II. Petitions from the Pit: The Price of Survival

In June 1911, scarcely a month after his arrival in Cellular Jail, Savarkar submitted his first mercy petition to the British government. The revolutionary who had once urged Indians to “burn down British flags” now pleaded for leniency. That appeal, ignored, would soon be followed by others. In 1913, his second mercy petition shed all ideological defiance, replacing it with grievances about prison classifications, comparisons with fellow convicts, and, crucially, declarations of political rebirth:

“[I]f the government in their manifold beneficence and mercy release me, I for one cannot but be the staunchest advocate of… loyalty to the English government.”

The shift was not merely rhetorical. It was strategic. Savarkar framed himself not only as a reformed man but as a valuable asset—one who could bring wayward revolutionaries back into the constitutional fold. His pitch was clear: Convert me, and I will convert others.

This was not so much a surrender as it was a sale. And his price? Redemption through rehabilitation, in exchange for repudiation of revolt.


III. From Empire’s Enemy to Nation’s Divider

When Savarkar was finally released in stages—first under surveillance and then gradually integrated back into public life—it was not the same man who had entered the colonial dungeons. The post-prison Savarkar did not return to a struggle against imperialism. Instead, he trained his intellectual arsenal on a new set of internal enemies: Muslims, Gandhians, Congressmen, and anyone who threatened the hegemony of his idea of a Hindu nation.

This ideological evolution culminated in his articulation of Hindutva—a term he deliberately distinguished from mere Hinduism. In his 1923 pamphlet Hindutva: Who is a Hindu?, Savarkar proposed a cultural, ethnic, and territorial identity in which true Indianness was inseparable from being Hindu by race, culture, and land. Muslims and Christians, regardless of how many generations they had lived in India, were foreign unless they acknowledged India as both Pitrubhumi (fatherland) and Punyabhumi (holy land). Thus, belonging became conditional—and nationalism, exclusionary.

Ironically, the man who once championed inter-caste marriages to unify Hindus under one political roof now stood vehemently against inter-religious unions. In his view, such marriages were not bridges but threats—dilutions of cultural purity. Social reform was permissible, even desirable, but only if it reinforced Hindutva’s internal cohesion, not if it fostered pluralism.


IV. The Darkest Doctrine: Justifying the Unjustifiable

Perhaps the most disturbing aspect of Savarkar’s later thought was his moral descent into what can only be called ideological barbarism. In his retellings of historical grievances—particularly regarding Muslim rulers—he moved beyond critique into advocacy of vengeance. At his most extreme, Savarkar justified rape as a tool of political retribution, especially during war or historical redress. For a man who once argued for India's moral elevation above colonial brutality, this was a descent into the abyss.

This rhetorical violence was not just theoretical. In the climate of the 1940s, with partition looming, such ideas fanned the flames of hatred and suspicion. Although Savarkar was acquitted in the Gandhi assassination trial, his ideological fingerprints were unmistakable in the atmosphere of hatred that made Gandhi’s murder thinkable.


V. Legacy in Dispute: Freedom Fighter or Proto-Fascist?

Savarkar's defenders continue to present him as a misunderstood patriot—one who pragmatically adjusted his strategy to survive and serve. They hail his promotion of scientific temper, abolition of untouchability, and support for women's rights (again, within limits). Yet even these claims must be weighed against the ideological rigidity that underpinned them. His social reforms were never universalist—they were instrumental, designed to fortify a Hindu identity that excluded more than it embraced.

His critics, on the other hand, see in Savarkar a cautionary figure: a revolutionary who, when broken by empire, turned to mimic its tools—division, hierarchy, and state violence—to shape a new dominion of his own.


VI. Conclusion: The Prison That Never Opened

The irony of Savarkar’s life is that while he was physically released from the Cellular Jail, he remained mentally confined within the walls of vengeance, purity, and exclusion. The real prison was not made of brick or iron—but of an ideology that mistook grievance for vision, and retribution for justice.

From lion to lapdog, from rebel to reactionary—Savarkar’s journey is not just the story of a man, but a mirror held up to the soul of a nation still debating what freedom really means, and for whom.


About the Author

Siddhartha Mishra is an Advocate at the Supreme Court of India. His writing focuses on the intersection of law, history, and political thought. He can be reached at ssmishra33@gmail.com.