When a century-old institution celebrates its birth anniversary, one
usually expects a garland of glorious history: battles fought, sacrifices made,
prisons endured, martyrs remembered. But when it comes to the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), born in 1925 and now entering its hundredth year, the
historical record looks more like a century of silence punctuated by drill
whistles than a saga of sacrifice.
The RSS’s founding father, Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, had indeed dabbled in
Congress-led protests during the Non-Cooperation Movement of 1921. But by 1925,
he had retired from politics to start a new venture: not a political revolution
but a daily drill club, better known as the shakha. Hedgewar’s mission
was not to overthrow the British Raj, but to straighten Hindu backs with lathis
and marching songs. The Raj, ever vigilant against sedition, looked upon the
RSS with indulgent eyes—it was hard to arrest a group of young men twirling sticks
in the park while the rest of the country was busy defying colonial law.
The Civil Disobedience Movement (1930s): Silence of
the Swayamsevaks
As Gandhi and Nehru led salt marches and filled jails, the RSS stayed
safely in the background, reciting patriotic verses in well-ironed khaki
shorts. The organization did not call upon its volunteers to join the protests.
In fact, Hedgewar’s occasional participation was framed as his “personal
capacity,” not an RSS mission. It was as if the Sangh’s philosophy was: Let
others break laws and go to prison; we shall break sweat in the playground.
Quit India, Quiet RSS (1942): A Case Study in
Neutrality
The year 1942 saw India’s greatest mass uprising against the British—the
Quit India Movement. Entire villages rose in rebellion, British jails
overflowed, and leaders from Gandhi to Aruna Asaf Ali faced imprisonment. And
the RSS? It chose the noblest of all political positions: neutrality.
M.S. Golwalkar, who had by then taken over as the head, made it clear that
the RSS would not participate. British intelligence reports confirm that the
organization avoided political entanglements and even reassured colonial
officials that its cadre would not cause trouble. While Congressmen were
hunted, flogged, and jailed, swayamsevaks continued their shakhas
undisturbed.
One might say that while the nation shouted “Do or Die,” the RSS
preferred “Drill and March.”
Subhas Bose and the INA: Absent Friends
When Subhas Chandra Bose raised the Indian National Army and sought help
from Germany and Japan, young Indians left everything to join the dream of an
armed liberation. The RSS, however, did not send contingents, funds, or even a
symbolic salute. For an organization that boasts of martial spirit, its absence
from the INA saga is perhaps the loudest silence in military history.
Communal Shield, Not Freedom Sword
To its credit, the RSS did perform social service—particularly in
protecting Hindus during communal riots. But this was never directed against
the British Empire; it was always a project of internal consolidation. The
British, experts in the art of divide and rule, could hardly have asked for a
more cooperative arrangement. While Nehru languished in jail, the Raj found in
the RSS an organization that was politically quietist and socially useful.
The Martyrdom Question
Every great nationalist organization boasts of martyrs:
- Congress has Bhagat
Singh, Rajguru, Sukhdev, and a long list of jailbirds and exiles.
- The INA has soldiers
who fell in battle, chanting “Jai Hind.”
- The communists,
despite ideological disputes, bled in labour strikes and peasant revolts.
And the RSS? It has martyrs of discipline—those who never missed a pratah
shakha. The organization cannot point to a single leader executed by the
British, a single mass trial it suffered, or a single gallows it climbed. Its
roll of honour is distinguished by absence.
After Independence: The Great Rebranding
When freedom finally came in 1947, the RSS quickly tried to drape itself in
nationalist colours. Its cadres were visible during Partition riots, often in
the role of “community defenders”—though critics allege that “defence” often
slid into aggression. The assassination of Mahatma Gandhi in 1948 by Nathuram
Godse, a man who had once been an RSS worker, led to the banning of the
organization for the first time. Sardar Patel himself wrote scathing letters
accusing the RSS of creating an atmosphere of hate.
Thus, the RSS’s first real encounter with the independent Indian state was
not as a freedom fighter but as a suspect in Gandhi’s murder.
The Historical Irony
The irony of the RSS’s centenary celebrations lies in its attempt to
rewrite its own past. Its leaders now claim that swayamsevaks “indirectly”
contributed by building Hindu character, as if character-building itself
toppled the British Empire. Others argue that individual members joined the
struggle in their personal capacity. By that logic, one could also say that the
Indian freedom struggle was aided by the British railway system, because it
transported Congress volunteers to protest sites.
History, however, demands specifics: dates, events, martyrs, sacrifices.
And on these metrics, the RSS record book remains largely blank between 1925
and 1947.
The Centenary Satire
As the RSS celebrates one hundred years in 2025, one can imagine the
commemorative plaque:
“Here stood an organization that did not oppose the British, did not join
Quit India, did not fight with the INA, and did not fill British jails. But it
drilled diligently, marched faithfully, and perfected the art of silence during
revolution. Long live the shakha!”
It is the only organization that can boast of reaching its centenary
without having once been beaten by a British policeman’s lathi.
Conclusion: A Legacy of Non-Participation
The RSS today is a political powerhouse through its offspring, the
Bharatiya Janata Party. It claims the mantle of nationalism, patriotism, and
cultural pride. Yet, the historical record of its first 22 years (1925–1947)
reveals a striking truth: the RSS played no direct role in India’s freedom
struggle. Its centenary therefore raises a satirical question: Can an
organization that stood by during the fight for freedom now claim to be the
custodian of nationalism?
The answer lies not in slogans but in archives. And the archives whisper,
with dry irony: “When India fought, the RSS watched.”
Author’s Introduction:
Siddhartha Shankar Mishra is an Advocate at the Supreme Court of India and a
political commentator. He writes with a satirical edge on law, history, and
contemporary politics, exposing hypocrisies with a lawyer’s precision and a
critic’s pen. He can be reached at ssmishra33@gmail.com.
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