Whenever you come across an organization that proudly calls itself “Bharatiya,” chances are you’re looking at an offshoot of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). From schools and farmer unions to trade bodies and cultural associations, the Sangh has carefully cultivated an empire of affiliates that work under the deceptively patriotic banner of “Bharatiya.”
The design is deliberate. The prefix “Bharatiya” disarms critics—who would
dare oppose something that claims to represent the nation itself? Yet beneath
the surface lies a sprawling ecosystem created to normalize Hindutva in every
sphere of Indian society.
This first part of the series maps the branches of this tree—one root in
Nagpur, many “Bharatiya” branches across India.
Political Arm: Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)
The most obvious “Bharatiya” branch is the Bharatiya Janata Party, the
political wing of the Sangh Parivar. Formed in 1980 as a successor to the
Bharatiya Jana Sangh (founded in 1951 by Syama Prasad Mookerjee with RSS
support), the BJP today is the ruling party of India.
While the RSS claims to be “cultural,” the BJP is its political channel.
The ideological backbone of the BJP—from the uniform “national culture” to the
framing of Muslims as outsiders—flows directly from Nagpur. Electoral gains,
laws on citizenship and conversion, and cultural campaigns like the Ram Mandir
are all manifestations of the Sangh’s long-term vision.
Youth & Student Fronts: ABVP and Beyond
The Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) is the RSS’s student
organization and one of the most visible in universities. It dominates campus
politics in many states, using nationalism as a rallying cry and often clashing
violently with Left student groups.
ABVP is not just about student union elections—it is about shaping future
leadership. Its members are trained in ideological debates, grassroots
mobilization, and political discipline. Many BJP leaders, from Arun Jaitley to
J.P. Nadda, rose through ABVP ranks.
Alongside ABVP, the Akhil Bharatiya Shiksha Samiti works in colleges
and schools, ensuring that educational spaces become fertile grounds for
Hindutva narratives.
Labor & Farmers’ Bodies: BMS and BKS
The Sangh has not ignored workers and farmers—two groups central to India’s
socio-economic fabric.
- Bharatiya Mazdoor
Sangh (BMS) is India’s largest
trade union, founded in 1955. Unlike traditional Left unions, BMS
emphasizes “nationalism over class struggle.” It discourages strikes
against the state, aligning labor protests with the RSS’s idea of national
duty rather than workers’ rights.
- Bharatiya Kisan
Sangh (BKS), founded in 1979,
similarly positions itself as a farmers’ body. Yet, its approach often
dilutes confrontational demands, preferring to promote “Swadeshi” and
“self-reliance” over systemic reforms.
Both organizations appear independent but are designed to prevent farmers
and workers from drifting toward socialist or Leftist alternatives.
Education & Culture: Vidya Bharati and Beyond
Education is central to the Sangh’s long game.
- Vidya Bharati runs over 12,000 schools with more than 3
million students. The stated goal: to create youth “infused with
patriotism and Hindutva values.” Syllabi often glorify Hindu kings,
mythologize history, and minimize India’s pluralistic traditions.
Alarmingly, Vidya Bharati schools have been allowed to run Sainik Schools
in Bihar and Madhya Pradesh, embedding ideological leanings in
military-linked education.
Beyond schools, culture is another battlefield:
- Sanskrit Bharati promotes Sanskrit not just as language
revival but as cultural supremacy.
- Sanskar Bharati organizes arts and cultural programs infused
with nationalist themes.
- Kreeda Bharati revives indigenous sports with Hindutva
undertones.
- Akhil Bharatiya
Itihas Sankalan Yojana seeks to rewrite history textbooks, turning myths
into “facts” and reframing India’s past as a continuous Hindu
civilizational arc.
Social Outreach & Welfare: Seva Bharati and
Kalyan Ashram
One of the Sangh’s most effective strategies has been welfare. During
natural disasters or community crises, its volunteers appear in saffron scarves
providing relief. This builds local goodwill and credibility.
- Seva Bharati, founded in 1979, provides medical camps,
relief work, and educational initiatives. But its outreach often doubles
as recruitment, bringing marginalized communities into the Hindutva fold.
- Vanvasi Kalyan
Ashram, started in 1952,
works among Adivasis, but its long-term goal is assimilation into a Hindu
identity, erasing distinct tribal cultures and traditions.
These groups blur the line between social service and ideological
expansion.
Intellectual & Professional Wings: Lawyers,
Scientists, Thinkers
The Sangh also created specialized bodies for professionals and
intellectuals.
- Akhil Bharatiya
Adhivakta Parishad (lawyers’ body) influences debates in the
judiciary, legal reforms, and even student legal training.
- Vigyan Bharati promotes “Indian science,” often blending
mythology with scientific claims—remember speeches about plastic surgery
in ancient India or Pushpak Vimana as evidence of aviation.
- Prajna Pravah brings together academics, writers, and
intellectuals to reframe nationalism through Hindutva lenses, often trying
to influence curricula and public policy.
Even in digital and research spaces, newer fronts like Research for
Resurgence Foundation (RFRF) aim to push a “Bharatiya model” of science and
technology, aligning innovation with ideology.
The Strategy of Expansion
The RSS’s genius lies in its structure. Unlike a single mass party, it
built a federation of bodies each targeting a segment of society—students,
workers, farmers, teachers, lawyers, tribals, scientists, artists. Every Indian
can find a “Bharatiya” organization that speaks their language, shares their
identity, and pulls them into the Sangh’s ideological orbit.
Each branch has plausible deniability: Seva Bharati says it is
humanitarian, Vidya Bharati says it is educational, BMS says it is
labor-focused. Yet all share a loyalty to the RSS worldview.
Conclusion: Many Branches, One Root
Mapping these organizations reveals the scale of the Sangh Parivar’s
project. This is not accidental or piecemeal—it is the slow, careful building
of an alternate state within the state.
The “Bharatiya” prefix is the camouflage. It signals patriotism, but what
it truly signals is affiliation. Behind the façade of neutral names lies a
coordinated ideological campaign to reshape India’s pluralism into a
Hindu-first identity.
From a child in a Vidya Bharati classroom to a farmer in a BKS rally, from
a lawyer in Adhivakta Parishad to an artist in Sanskar Bharati—the network
ensures that every sphere of Indian life has a saffron echo.
One root, many branches. And unless we see through the “Bharatiya”
branding, we risk mistaking an ideological project for national service.
Next in the Series (Part 2): The Ideological Agenda – What Lies Behind ‘Bharatiya’
Author’s Note
By Siddhartha Shankar Mishra Mishra, Advocate at the Supreme Court of India,
and columnist on law, politics, and society.
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