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July 06, 2025

From Street Protests to Power Luncheons: The Many Avatars of Pujari

 


Back in the politically charged 1980s, a young, firebrand student leader roared through the dusty lanes of Sambalpur. His name? Suresh Pujari. His enemy? The Marwari businessman, symbolic of a so-called capitalist stranglehold on the local economy. His weapon? The loud, defiant slogan—“Marwari hatao, Odisha bachao!”

It was the age of campus revolutions, the era when ideology was worn like a badge of honour and not merely as a selfie filter. Pujari, then a spirited voice of the youth, rallied against what he called the monopolisation of trade, power, and influence by a select few merchant families. The speeches were fiery, the marches intense, and the slogans dramatic enough to make Che Guevara smirk from his grave.

But that was yesterday.

Fast forward to today, and behold the same Suresh Pujari, now swearing in as Odisha’s Revenue Minister under the saffron flag of political pragmatism. And guess who’s applauding from the front rows? The very same Marwari businessmen, now partners in progress, co-hosts in investor summits, and co-drafters of "Vision Odisha 2030". Oh, how the slogans have aged — from revolution to resolution, from boycott to bhai-saheb, and from resistance to ribbon-cutting.

One might call this political maturity. After all, governance demands diplomacy, economic pragmatism, and yes — friendly ties with the business community. But when a man makes a U-turn so spectacular that it leaves his own ideology behind like a torn protest banner, the public deserves more than silence. They deserve a footnote, if not a full confession.

Suresh Pujari’s transformation is not just personal — it is emblematic of a wider phenomenon where rebellion is not crushed, but cleverly accommodated. Once a voice for the marginalised, he is now a polished spokesperson for “ease of doing business.” The rebel has become the receptionist. The crusader now manages the accounts.

To be fair, Pujari is not alone. Indian politics is a museum of ideological conversions. From firebrand leftists who now host Ambani’s sons at weddings to Dalit leaders who quote Adam Smith in Parliament, transformation is no longer news—it is the very nature of the beast. But what makes Pujari’s case uniquely ironic is the unapologetic manner in which he has embraced the same ecosystem he once vilified.

In the corridors of Bhubaneswar’s Secretariat, murmurs are rife. “He’s only doing what’s needed for Odisha’s development,” some say. Others shrug and add, “Who else will bring in the money if not the Marwaris?” True. But that begs the question—was it development he was protesting against in the first place? Or was it exclusion? Monopoly? Exploitation?

Pujari, had he retained a sliver of that student fire, could have carved a new path — one that engaged with capital but without losing sight of justice and equity. But alas, the man who once marched barefoot in student rallies now walks carefully-polished corridors, escorted by industrialists offering CSR brochures and MoU drafts.

This isn't just about hypocrisy; it's about the erosion of memory. Political history, especially in Odisha, has rarely been kind to those who stood on principles. But to see those principles traded at the altar of convenience is to witness not evolution, but erosion.

Kuldip Nayar would have likely asked: “Where is the line between change and compromise?” Khushwant Singh would have chuckled and remarked, “The only ideology that survives in politics is the ideology of power.” Between the two lies the tragicomedy of Indian democracy — and the curious case of Suresh Pujari.

One can still picture the younger Pujari — sleeves rolled up, eyes burning with ambition, chanting slogans against capitalist encroachment in front of Marwari-owned shops. Today, the same hands are busy signing land lease documents and chairing business conclaves, where the keynote address begins with, “We welcome our Marwari brothers who have contributed immensely to Odisha’s economy.”

Of course, people change. Contexts change. The economy, too, demands new frameworks. But what doesn’t change — or at least shouldn’t — is the soul of public service. When revolts become resumé points, and slogans become stepping stones, we are no longer building a democracy. We are curating a theatre.

The story of Suresh Pujari should be taught in political science classes — not as a lesson in betrayal, but as a cautionary tale in ideological drift. It shows how political careers are often less about transformation and more about transaction. Where once there was a barricade, now there’s a banquet.

And while the Minister might sleep soundly on starched bedsheets in his Lutyens-style Bhubaneswar bungalow, one wonders if the ghost of that old Sambalpur student ever knocks at night, asking:

"Did the revolution lose its way… or did you change the map?"

The question lingers — unanswered, perhaps deliberately — in the corridors of power.


[Author’s Note]
Siddhartha Shankar Mishra is an Advocate at the Supreme Court of India and writes on law, politics, and society. He can be reached at ssmishra33@gmail.com.

 

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