The Rise of Golwalkar and the Transformation of the RSS
When Dr K B Hedgewar founded the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh in 1925 he
imagined a disciplined cultural organisation that would uplift a disillusioned
Hindu society. But the ideological transformation of the RSS truly began only
after his death in 1940 when M S Golwalkar succeeded him as Sarsanghchalak.
Hedgewar had prioritised unity self discipline and restrained political
engagement. Golwalkar however infused the organisation with a doctrinal clarity
that turned the RSS into a structured project of Hindu nationhood. Under him
the RSS became a cadre based institution where unity was not a celebration of
diversity but a demand for cultural homogeneity. The shakha became the forge
where a generation was trained to view India not as a plural republic but as a
sacred civilizational homeland of Hindus.
Defining a Hindu Nation Civilizational Identity
over Civic Citizenship
Golwalkar’s writings such as we or our nationhood defined and bunch of
thoughts placed Hindu identity at the centre of national belonging. He
repeatedly argued that minorities could remain in India only if they accepted
the cultural supremacy of the Hindu way of life. In his imagination citizenship
was not a contract among equals but a system of graded belonging where Hindus
claimed cultural primacy while others were expected to assimilate. Religious
diversity was not an asset to be nurtured but a deviation to be corrected. The
RSS under Golwalkar thus shifted from cultural self confidence to cultural
majoritarianism a shift that would later echo through Indian politics long
after his death.
Divergence from the Freedom Struggle and Antagonism
toward Gandhi
While Jawaharlal Nehru Subhas Bose Sarojini Naidu and countless others
mobilised mass movements for independence Golwalkar chose to keep the RSS away
from the anti colonial struggle. He believed that strengthening Hindu society
internally was more important than confronting the British externally. Critics
argued that this posture conveniently shielded the RSS from colonial repression
while distancing it from the moral authority of the freedom movement. Golwalkar
accused Gandhi of weakening Hindu society by engaging with Muslim leaders and
seeking unity through persuasion rather than cultural dominance. The RSS
distance from the freedom struggle was therefore not accidental but ideological
born of a suspicion that mass nationalism diluted Hindu primacy.
A Warning three weeks before the Assassination
In the winter of 1947 shortly after the bloodshed of Partition M S Golwalkar addressed a gathering where he condemned what he saw as moral weakness and appeasement in national politics. In that fraught atmosphere as Gandhi persisted with his final fasts calling for harmony and the release of withheld funds to Pakistan Golwalkar’s words carried a dark edge. At a public meeting in early December 1947 he declared that certain policies pursued by national leaders were unIndian and satanic and added that we have the means whereby such men can be immediately silenced if they continue to harm Hindu interests.
“On 8 December 1947, RSS chief M S Golwalkar at a rally described certain government and Gandhi-led policies as ‘unIndian and satanic’ and declared that ‘we have the means whereby such men can be immediately silenced’ if they stood in the way of protecting Hindu interests.”
This was not an order nor a call to arms yet the sentiment reflected a deep and
open hostility toward Gandhi’s final effort to preserve moral citizenship
across faiths. When seen in the hindsight of Gandhi’s assassination only weeks
later this remark remains an enduring and troubling reminder of the volatile
ideological climate of the time.
Gandhis Assassination the RSS Ban and a Permanent
Stain of Suspicion
The assassination of Mahatma Gandhi on 30 January 1948 intensified scrutiny
of this hostility. Though Golwalkar and the RSS were not legally proven to be
part of the conspiracy the fact that Nathuram Godse had once been associated
with the organisation and had absorbed similar ideological influences cast a
long shadow. The government banned the RSS arguing that the ideological poison
that had vilified Gandhi could no longer be ignored. The ban was lifted a year
later only after the RSS formally declared respect for the Constitution. But
this episode left a stain that history has never fully washed away for it
raised the question of whether cultural nationalism can slide into moral
absolutism where dissent is seen as a threat rather than a voice to be engaged.
Recasting Public Image without Abandoning
Majoritarian Ideology
After the ban was lifted Golwalkar worked hard to present the RSS as
socially constructive. Educational and charitable work expanded and the
language of public statements became more cautious. Yet he never surrendered
the idea that India must be rooted in Hindu cultural primacy. Minorities were
recognised but their equal belonging remained conditional on acceptance of
majority cultural norms. The RSS under Golwalkar mastered the art of balancing
constitutional language with a cultural imagination that waited for its
political moment.
Golwalkars Legacy in the Modi Era Majoritarian
Ideas Enter State Policy
Nearly eight decades later Golwalkar’s influence has travelled from the
shakha ground to the centre of power. Narendra Modi a lifelong RSS pracharak
articulates a political vision that resonates deeply with Golwalkar’s
worldview. Policies such as the Citizenship Amendment Act the promotion of a
Uniform Civil Code and the centrality of Hindu cultural symbols in national
politics all reflect this continuity. The inauguration of the Ayodhya temple by
a sitting Prime Minister blurred the line between state authority and religious
symbolism in ways that fulfil long standing RSS aspirations. Critics argue that
this represents the political mainstreaming of Golwalkar’s vision turning
cultural majoritarianism into the guiding framework of governance.
From Cultural Movement to Political Blueprint The
Constitution Reimagined
Golwalkar had criticised the framers of the Constitution for not rooting
the document in Hindu philosophical tradition. Today his critiques resurface
indirectly through institutional shifts that seek to harmonise state authority
with majoritarian cultural norms. Revised textbooks emphasise ancient Hindu
achievements national universities are pushed toward cultural revivalism and
public rhetoric routinely frames diversity as fragmentation. What was once a
cultural mission now appears to many observers as a political blueprint enacted
through electoral legitimacy.
Is the RSS Communal The Ideology of Unity through
Assimilation
The RSS rejects the label communal and claims it seeks unity. But unity of
what kind. When equal citizenship is conditional on cultural assimilation and
when plurality is tolerated only if it bows to majority norms unity becomes
indistinguishable from a project of majoritarian dominance. The question is not
whether the RSS preaches hatred. The deeper question is whether its ideological
structure produces exclusion and hierarchy by redefining citizenship through
cultural identity rather than equal rights. In this sense the RSS may not call
itself communal but its framework inevitably creates communal outcomes because
its idea of India is rooted first in culture and only then in citizenship.
Author Introduction
Siddhartha Shankar Mishra is an advocate at the Supreme Court of India and
a commentator on law politics and society. His writings blend legal insight
with social critique and aim to provoke reflection on power justice and public
conscience.
