The Hidden Helm: Modi Steering the
Sangh
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has always projected itself as the
ideological fountainhead of the Bharatiya Janata Party and the larger Sangh
Parivar. At the centre of this structure is the Sarsanghchalak, portrayed as
the supreme guide whose word is final. From Dr Keshav Baliram Hedgewar to M S
Golwalkar and later Balasaheb Deoras, the Sarsanghchalak was seen as the soul
of the movement. Even in recent decades, when the BJP emerged as a national
force, Nagpur remained the ideological compass. Yet in today’s India, that
compass has been quietly placed in the Prime Minister’s Office. Narendra Modi,
once the humble pracharak who took instructions from Nagpur, has become the
real Sarsanghchalak. The guru has been reduced to an accessory, while the
disciple has claimed the throne.
From mentor to servant
In the past, the RSS called the shots. The Jan Sangh and later the BJP were
seen as political instruments of Nagpur. Atal Bihari Vajpayee, despite his
moderate image, never ignored the Sangh leadership. L K Advani built his career
on the Ram Janmabhoomi movement which was not simply a political strategy but
an RSS designed mass mobilisation. The demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992,
for which Advani later expressed regret, was nonetheless carried out by cadres
who took their ideological fuel from the Sangh.
Even Vajpayee, whose government came to power in 1998, had to walk a
careful line. He sought to pursue a more inclusive political image but Nagpur
always had a say in policy debates. The parent organisation could still
discipline its political child. This balance of power kept the RSS as the
ideological master and BJP as the obedient offspring.
That equilibrium has collapsed in the Modi era.
Modi’s rise and the shift in control
Narendra Modi’s political journey is deeply rooted in the RSS. He joined as
a pracharak in the early 1970s and was deputed to the BJP in the 1980s. His
rise in Gujarat was backed by the Sangh network. However, once he became Chief
Minister after the 2001 earthquake, Modi demonstrated that he was not going to
be just another organisational functionary. The 2002 Gujarat riots cemented his
image as a strong leader who could survive criticism from both outside and
within. Reports suggest that the then Prime Minister Vajpayee wanted him
removed, but the RSS defended him. Ironically, that defence helped Modi build a
personal power base that eventually outgrew the organisation.
By the time Modi became Prime Minister in 2014, the RSS had invested
heavily in his victory. Lakhs of volunteers campaigned tirelessly to bring the
BJP to power. Yet once Modi was in office, the direction of influence reversed.
Instead of Nagpur guiding Delhi, Delhi began dictating terms to Nagpur.
Examples of RSS sidelining
Several examples underline this transformation. When demonetisation was
announced in 2016, the decision was taken in absolute secrecy. Even senior
ministers were caught unaware. The RSS, which traditionally prides itself on
being part of major ideological and organisational debates, was left as
clueless as the common man standing in ATM queues. Still, instead of
questioning, the Sangh issued statements of support.
The abrogation of Article 370 in 2019, though long cherished by the Sangh,
was executed entirely as a government plan. The RSS played no role in strategy
or timing. It was Modi and Amit Shah who scripted and staged the move. The
Citizenship Amendment Act too bore the Modi stamp, with the Sangh again reduced
to cheerleading rather than guiding.
Even in electoral strategies, it is Modi’s image that dominates. The RSS
cadres may do the ground work, but the central figure is the Prime Minister
himself. The Sangh has become a campaigning tool rather than the ideological
master.
The silencing of veterans
Perhaps the most striking evidence of Modi’s supremacy over the RSS lies in
the treatment of senior leaders. L K Advani, once the face of Hindutva politics
and the Sangh’s trusted man, was unceremoniously retired from active politics.
Murli Manohar Joshi, a lifelong swayamsevak and scholar, was sidelined. Even
Nitin Gadkari, widely respected within the RSS and seen as its natural choice
for higher leadership, has been made to walk carefully so as not to appear as a
rival to Modi.
In earlier times, the RSS would not have allowed such arbitrary sidelining
of its veterans. But today, Nagpur accepts what Delhi dictates.
The symbolic power shift
The RSS still holds its annual Vijayadashami gatherings where the
Sarsanghchalak delivers a speech. But those speeches are carefully worded to
avoid even mild criticism of the government. They sound less like guiding
statements and more like endorsements of policy. The once assertive parent has
become a polite follower.
In satire, one might say the RSS is no longer the fountainhead of ideology
but the fountain pen, signing wherever Modi points. It is no longer the guiding
compass but a ceremonial compass rose drawn on a map that Modi has already
charted. The guru claps from the audience while the disciple performs on stage.
Consequences of this reversal
This power shift is not a mere matter of internal hierarchy. It carries
serious consequences for Indian democracy. The RSS always claimed that it was
above day to day politics, that it provided cultural and moral guidance while
the BJP handled governance. If that claim was ever true, it is no longer so.
Today, the RSS has outsourced its moral compass to one man’s ego.
The organisation remains silent on issues like growing economic inequality,
crony capitalism, farmer distress, and unemployment. It raises selective
concerns on matters of social harmony but never questions the government in
power. Its autonomy has shrunk into irrelevance. Instead of being the
conscience keeper of the BJP, it has become a mere echo chamber.
The irony is bitter. The RSS built the BJP brick by brick, using decades of
grassroots work. It mobilised generations of volunteers who lived austere lives
for the sake of ideology. Yet today, all that discipline and sacrifice serve
one individual’s brand. Narendra Modi is not just the Prime Minister; he has
become the de facto Sarsanghchalak. The real shakha is no longer in dusty
grounds across India but in the Prime Minister’s rallies, his cabinet meetings,
and his digital propaganda machinery.
A cautionary tale
The story of the RSS under Modi is a cautionary tale for any organisation
that believes it can control its political offspring. Once a creature of
Nagpur, the BJP has now domesticated the very hand that fed it. The puppeteer
has become the puppet. The cultural parent has been reduced to a ceremonial
relative.
History will judge whether this was an inevitable centralisation of power
or a betrayal of the Sangh’s original structure. What is clear is that the RSS
today plays second fiddle, and its supposed supremacy is a matter of myth
rather than fact.
In blunt terms, the real Sarsanghchalak does not sit in Nagpur. He sits in
New Delhi, ruling not only as Prime Minister but as the ideological commander
of the Sangh itself.
Author
Advocate Siddhartha
Shankar Mishra is a practicing lawyer at the Supreme Court of India and writes
on law, politics, and society.
