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December 19, 2015

Intolerance – A Conflict Within in wider perspective ( Dec 1-15 /15) JUSTINPRINT

Intolerance – A Conflict Within in wider perspective





“ The great problem in this world is intolerance . Everyone is  intolerant of each other “ --- Princess Diana

Provoking Unrests – India a country of bans , strikes and bandhs . Writers returning awards , celebrities airing intolerance blatantly, farmers suicide , political warfare , Hindutva rajneti, sexuality , finance and economics topsy turvy . We in the land of Buddha intolerant. Is this an Irony ?

Freedom of expression will continue to remain under siege unless all groups accept that people can have different opinions and beliefs in a free country.

Soli Sorabjee  rightly pointed  - “Our tradition teaches tolerance; our philosophy preaches tolerance; our Constitution practises tolerance; let us not dilute it.” These stirring sentiments were expressed by Justice Chinnappa Reddy in a Supreme Court judgment pronounced in August 1986 which invalidated expulsion from school of students belonging to Jehova’s Witness faith. Regrettably, over the years, tolerance has been replaced by the rising menace of intolerance which strikes at various fields of human endeavour and creativity: writings, music, drama, paintings and movies.Intolerance stems from an invincible assumption of the infallibility of one’s beliefs and a dogmatic conviction about their rightness. An intolerant society cannot tolerate expression of ideas and views which challenge its current doctrines and conventional wisdom. Consequently, unconventional and heterodox thoughts and views have to be suppressed. That is the prime motivation for censorship. “ ( Source – Hindu )

Why not Ban the Political nautanki in Parliament and Outside , which has little to do with the common minimum programme for the people of India. We are ashamed of being in a democracy where there are still a plethora of issues that governs the state of our overall wellbeing & thereby the counter reactions in the form of Bribery ,perjury , Rape , murder and what not? Are we really ready to accept the dangers within our Governance style. If not we are destined to fail as a nation sooner or later. Freedom of expression has always a limit. Your freedom stops where my nose starts. We have to understand where it hurts. The same people who give lectures on freedom can’t stand an honest advise by others. These people who are supporting the writer won’t allow freedom of expressions in the areas that hurt them, for example advise on modesty in dressing and behaviour of our youngsters., advise on safe conduct to youngsters etc.


Our Constitution prescribes certain fundamental duties to be performed by citizens (Article 51-A). One duty of paramount importance which should be performed is the duty to practise tolerance. Otherwise democracy, a basic feature of our Constitution, will be under siege and the cherished right to freedom of expression will be held hostage by an intolerant mindless mob.


In society, many people tend to reject those who are different. It is a human trait that we all have. Regardless of ones social, economic, or ethnic background there has been a time in all our lives where we have judged a thought  by its cover without at least reading the synopsis on the back. Intolerance is not something to be proud of, yet everyone handles its affect on their life and other peoples lives differently. Some strive to rid themselves of this trait, while others simply accept it as part of their personality and fail to make any attempt at removing it. Intolerance comes in many different forms and does not see anyone as being exempt from its wrath. 

As William Ury stated, "Tolerance is not just agreeing with one another or remaining indifferent in the face of injustice, but rather showing respect for the essential humanity in every person."  Tolerance may seem an impossible exercise in certain situations - being tolerant nonetheless remains key to easing hostile tensions between groups and to helping communities move past intractable conflict. That is because tolerance is integral to different groups relating to one another in a respectful and understanding way. In cases where communities have been deeply entrenched in violent conflict, being tolerant helps the affected groups endure the pain of the past and resolve their differences. In situations where conditions are economically depressed and politically charged, groups and individuals may find it hard to tolerate those that are different from them or have caused them harm. In such cases, discrimination, dehumanization, repression, and violence may occur. Fighting intolerance requires an Individual awareness.

We seem to have become increasingly intolerant as a society. Now I fully understand that there are any number of situations and behaviours out there that should not be tolerated. There is a great distinction between tolerating something and being intolerant. Merriam-Webster tells us that to tolerate something means that you are willing to allow something or to put up with something. However, the same dictionary tells us that intolerance means "unwilling to grant equal freedom of expression." Whether it is the increasingly vitriolic set of interchanges between politicians or the kinds of spiteful comments , seems as though we have come to accept vilification as a form of discourse. If the criticisms were accompanied by some kind of creative solution, things might be different. However, criticism and cynicism seem to have become surrogates for actual involvement.


It is assumed that the feeling of evil is more widespread than the feeling of good. That is why intolerance as an attitude appears to be even more common than tolerance.  Intolerance constitute centuries-old problems of human existence. We have been disturbed by them over and over again. This is connected with man's constant longing for the paradise lost which is unattainable because of human's ill .

In matter of sexuality , Women are treated differently because of their attire - women's clothing is more likely to be identified with a religion or particular culture, whereas men, who do not usually wear culture-specific clothing, can "blend" more into  society. This can have repercussions for them at home as their families may disapprove of changes in their dress or outlook. The pressure for women to dress in western clothing is reinforced by the fact that women in cultural dress are "invisible" .


 Religious intolerance has cropped up  to such an extent where a mob rushed  into someone’s house and raids his kitchen to ascertain what he is consuming. Based upon rumours, a misguided and outrageous mob guided by fringe ends up claiming a human life. They have violated the principles laid down by the Mahatma. Why wouldn’t had the great soul not been shocked if he was alive to see this day?


Secularism is altogether a different and fundamental and independent phenomenon, but states use it to bring equality and justice in their region. It defines the relationship between the state and the religion. It has different meaning in different regions. In India, secularism means equal participation of the state in all religions. The western concept secularism envisions separation of the state and the religion. Though defined differently, the ultimate aim of both views is to facilitate peaceful coexistence of different religions. But this notion of secularism is facing threats around the world due to many reasons. They are viewing ones religion as superior to other religions, imposing religious order by force. Eg: Boko Haram imposing Sharia law in Nigeria, inability of governments to protect minorities. Eg: Persicution of Yazdis in Syria. Christians are denied rights in Afghanistan ,Mishandling of religious affairs by governments as it is a complex affair Eg: French government banning purdha without wide discussions, arrival of new non-secular governments. Eg: Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt.

We were taught distorted history . Books are banned . Book bans is a serious issue to be considered . We are  now living in an era of unprecedented access to reading material. We must keep in mind that even if the motivation to ban or challenge a book is well intentioned, the outcome is detrimental. Censorship denies our freedom as individuals to choose and think for ourselves. Young people especially deserve our trust. Reading literature that challenges them and encourages them to think about others and their own place in the world does no harm and can only spur them to become better students and better persons. Danger does not arise from viewpoints other than our own; the danger lies in allowing others to decide for us and our communities which reading materials are appropriate.


Under the Nazis, certain artists were not just banned and censored but sent to concentration camps; many died there. Artist like MF Hussian faced the demons too. Fundoos hated the free approach of him , they wanted Hussian to be more sensible and less offensive to them and equally offensive to other sects . Now he is gone. But we have his art. Satanic verses is banned authored by Salman Rusdie. I found nothing in the novel which was even remotely insulting to Islam. It was a very funny novel and a brilliant piece of literature. Ayatollah declared a "fatwa" on Salman Rushdie for "blasphemy". The truth was the Iranian Revolution was battered after the failed Iraq War, and the Islamic Govt of Iran needed a scapegoat to distract attention & "rally the faithful".The shocking, disgusting way in which Islamic fanatics shot a 14 year old Malala because she wanted girls to get an education and the tragic way in which thousands of innocent men, women, children  are bombed, killed, maimed  every day in some "jihad" attack or the other in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Syria, Iraq, Libya, Nigeria, Sudan and many other states. This is what deserves outrage. Not books, movies, paintings, music, sculptures. This is sheer hypocrisy. while there is no outrage against the Taliban, Hezbollah, Hamas and other terrorist organizations, the so called hindutva outfits who murder innocent people and they are protected by Article 19 of the UN Human Rights charter .

Finally , God gave this immense responsibility to be creators, and some realize it and some don't. Those realized are blessed ones and we let them lead us to the path of spirituality which they have already realized. In any religion, when somebody is raised to divine level, we are acknowledging the fact that they attained self-realization and we let them lead us to spirituality. And as long as we can benefit from their knowledge, they have served their purpose in life. I am not saying that one religion is superior than the other, the point is that the essence is the same in everything and every one of them refers to the same one and only God, but in different ways/paths and we should appreciate it. We have to realize that the end goal of all the religions is the same. Serve our fellow men and Service to mankind is Service to God.  असतो मा सद्गमय ,तमसो मा ज्योतिर्गमय ।मृत्योर्मा अमृतं गमय 
 शान्तिः शान्तिः शान्तिः 

Siddhartha Shankar Mishra
The author is a Lawyer and work on Human Rights and Legal Awareness







APP “ WRAPITUP “ – Innovation by a Creative Genius ( DEC 1 -15 / 2015 ) JUSTINPRINT

APP “ WRAPITUP “ – Innovation by a Creative Genius







Hard work and success two sides of same coin . There is no doubt that scientific advances depend not only on new ideas, conceptual leaps and paradigm shifts, but also to a large extent on technological advances that make these steps possible. The innovation of APP known as “WRAPITUP” by Harshdeep Hura is mind boggling. The significant thing is that the  “App will shorten long paragraphs into short one-liners” as the  tag goes “WRAPITUP”.  Presently , the APP is available only to the IOS users .  It will shorten any lengthy documents  without losing the credibility or essence . The APP was launched on 25th July , 2015 , this year.

According to Harshdeep , “We live in an age where information is so quickly accessible. I built an app which algorithmically decides what’s important by learning programming online. This pushes us in an era of information overload, where we have more information to consume, than the time to consume it. WrapItUp was built around the idea to help people read more, in lessand it does it’s job well. 200+ people use it on a regular basis and in just 4 months of launch, WrapItUp has done about 53,479 summaries. This really shows that in today’s age of information overload, you don’t need to setup huge industries to build an empire. All you need is an internet connection and a laptop to build your own small empire without any one’s permission. “ Till date the APP  receives over 200 views and produced over 51,000 summaries. It will be shortly available for android , chrome and windows operating system in the next year .  Harshdeep wish to work on new apps which will serve people in their regular explorations / activities .

Harshdeep Hura hails from Sambalpur , Odisha and done his academics at Raipur and OOTY . Education .  Presently , studying at Amity Global Business School . His Journey as follows –

WrapItUp - The Journey.

 “I got first exposure to computer in 2004 when I was in 4th standard. I remember doing my chores on time to have some digital time and as I grew up, technology grew on me because I saw it as a tool to express ideas. In the early years getting computer time was tough because of school and it was something completely new back then. With the Internet coming in my life 2 years later, suddenly spreading ideas on a floppy disc became sharing ideas on forums and bulletin boards and this was also the time I started learning HTML, which was my first exposure to code. It was really great to then write some lines of code and see how it changes and builds with every single line. Few years later, HTML and C++ became standard syllabus at school which really helped me foster my interest in code. I used to get extra time in computer lab to code and build basic algorithms and programs and solve everyday problems.

2010 was when things started to get serious with programming because I was building programs to teach my own self maths and doing others programming home works for treats at school canteen or straight up food (I was at boarding school so taking money didn’t make sense.)
2011.

I was studying for my 11th grade class test and got stuck in a business studies chapter. This chapter in particular was very hard, and I ended up highlighting almost every single line in the chapter. Friends had no clue about the chapter and the faculty was way too busy and this is when I got the idea of building something to tell me what’s important. I started writing down ideas of how this can be built and started working on it. Most of the times I’d build logic flow charts trying to figure out how, in general, can an algorithm decide why a sentence is more important than other. Again, being in a boarding school I had limited access to internet and computers in general, the development slowed down way too much, but it was also good because I got enough time to perfect the flow charts, which I would later program on.

After finishing schooling and entering FLAME, Pune for further education, I decided to take subjects which really interested me. I was a BBA student with subjects like calligraphy, anthropology and physics, apart from my regular courses. Mid way through college I decided I want to take development of WrapItUp full time and left my regular course to sit in classes I really wanted to (and would later help me build better algorithms). Doing subjects like physics and calligraphy or anthropology don’t make sense to most people but it’s because of exposure to these subjects, I am better at marketing and building algorithms.

Let’s take an example.
Physics.
F= m x a (force = mass x acceleration)

The most basic formula every tom, dick and harry knows. I think this is the best way to run a business. For example, huge corporations like P&G and Unilever are divided into smaller brands so if anything happens, they can be turns around easily. To put it in terms of physics, the smaller the mass (brand) the less acceleration is required to turn the company around.
It’s things like these which made sense to me and how something so basic a formula can be twisted into finding out a way to run business.

2014 I joined in Amity Global Business School, where I currently am pursuing my BBA from. The faculty and authorities supported me in the development by allowing me to attend meetings during class hours and leaves so I can work more, as long as I was up to date with my assignments and tests. This doesn’t sound a lot, but it really helped because I didn’t have to think about attending college at the cost of my work. “

More importantly, there first need to be sustained efforts to improve digital literacy.  Universities have a role to play here: the National programme on Technology Enhanced Learning is a step in the right direction; more MOOCs (massive open online courses) have to be rolled out for people without access to regular college education.

Last but not the least; we need to embrace the spirit of risk in our society. “Going digital is no longer an option for us; it is the default,” said the CEO and MD of TCS Mr. Chandrasekaran at the World Economic Forum this year where he chaired the IT Governors Steering Committee. While this statement is now true for the world at large, India’s future progress in particular is increasingly dependent on how well it can manage and promote its digital economy. NASSCOM predicts revenues of USD 130 billion in FY15 from the IT-BPM industry, with a year-on-year growth rate of 13% .And for the first time, 2014 saw visits of the top leadership of the largest global technology companies to India: Mark Zuckerberg (Facebook), Jeff Bezos (Amazon), Satya Nadella (Microsoft) and Sundar Pichai (Google), all within a month.

 Scientific temper can’t be developed overnight and it should begin right from the school, where the students ought to be given the opportunity to be more interactive. Similarly, the parents need to spare some time for the children, who can be taken through the why, what, how and when type of reasoning, thereby imparting the rudiments essential for broadening their horizon of knowledge. Prof. Yashpal has noted, “science will also have to come forward in changing our thoughts and eradicating various social evils, including casteism, extremism…”(Times of India, 16th May 2005). India, in Nehru’s vision, could become a great country if the people adopted such a ‘scientific temper.’  If that succeeds, then there can be no greater tribute to the millions of children who form the destiny of our nation.


Siddhartha shankar Mishra ,
Sambalpur , Odisha



December 16, 2015

VIDROHI --- Long Live the Rebel / Long Live his Revolution --- A Tribute

VIDROHI  --- Long Live the Rebel / Long Live his Revolution --- A Tribute



Meri aatma yahi basti hai, meri audience yahi hai (This is where my soul lives, this is where my audience is 

सारे बड़े-बड़े लोग पहले मर लें
फिर मैं मरूं- आराम से
उधर चल कर वसंत ऋतु में
जब दानों में दूध और आमों में बौर जाता है
या फिर तब जब महुवा चूने लगता है
या फिर तब जब वनबेला फूलती है
नदी किनारे मेरी चिता दहक कर महके
और मित्र सब करें दिल्लगी
कि ये विद्रोही भी क्या तगड़ा कवि था
कि सारे बड़े-बड़े लोगों को मारकर तब मरा 

Vidrohi’ Ramshankar Yadav  was a  the revolutionary poet from Jawaharlal Nehru University. He has been living in the campus for the past three decades, writing and reciting poetry. He was ousted from JNU for his rebel attitude  In August 2010, he was thrown out for using abusive language, but was allowed back in after student pressure on the administration.

In 1983, Vidrohi took part in the student movement along with JNU Student’s Union members who were protesting the OBC reservation deprivation. He was an OBC candidate, and joined the hunger strike — at the  cost  his scholarship and home, ultimately he lost his scholarship and rusticated .   On May 8th, 1983, he was arrested and sent to Tihar Jail.He used to sleep  under a tree with his two and a half bags full of possessions hanging from the branches. A documentary about him was recently made by Nitin K Pamnani and Imran called Main Tumhara Kavi Hoon (I am your poet). The film won the best documentary award in the international competition section of the Mumbai International Film Festival.

Away from his faraway home and wife, Vidrohi has chosen the life of a vagabond, roaming around with his bag full of the poetry of rebellion. There is no bitterness between his family members and himself for his chosen lifestyle of living on the streets. He was always living  people’s kindness, living by the people he writes for, of which JNU students play a crucial part. His work on social exploitation , caste, women oppression , national issues are highly incredible. He was into writing and movements not for profit motive but for people emancipation. He lived for a revolution and died for a revolution. It is very sad that he has been neglected by our so called media, which mainly focuses on meaningless topics and baseless issues.


On a Facebook page on Vidrohi, run by students, I was amused to read a  post that said, “Seeing Vidrohi walk barefoot in the bitter cold, a Palestinian student Shadi Farrokhyani asked him, “Where have your shoes gone?’ Vidrohi replied, ‘In that last protest, I took them off and flung them at the cops!”  ( उस दिन प्रदर्शन में फेंक के पुलिस को मार ) ~ That was Vidrohi

I would say that self-conscious emotions underlie his revolt.  Often overlooked by analysts, and especially by political scientists, factors such as collective humiliation, frustration and anger are the fuel for fundamental transformations in our societies. It only needs a spark to cause an explosion of social activism. Vidrohi’s life was the ultimate act of overcoming fears of retribution and death. That’s why it became so mobilizing . Popular anger and frustration are not enough to explain the dynamics of popular revolutions. The likelihood of success, which is defined  as regime change, depends both on the mobilization of the people and on the reaction of authorities.

A revolution constitutes a challenge to the established political order and the eventual establishment of a new order radically different from the preceding one. The great revolutions like French , Russian , Middle East changed not only the system of government but also the economic system, the social structure, and the cultural values of those societies.

The 19th-century German philosopher Hegel was a crucial catalyst in the formation of 20th-century revolutionary thought. He saw revolutions as the fulfilment of human destiny. Hegel’s theories served as the foundation for the most influential revolutionary thinker, Karl Marx . Marx used Hegel’s abstractions as the basis for a plan of class struggle, centred on a fight for the control of the economic processes of society. Marx believed in progressive stages of human history, culminating in the working-class overthrow of the property-owning class. 

The causes of revolution are mainly political, social and economic.  Revolutions take place when the political order fails to correspond to the distribution of property and hence tensions arise in the class structure, eventually leading to revolutions. The cause of revolution is a desire on the part of those who are devoid of virtue and who are motivated by an urge to possess property, which is in the name of their opponents. In other words, the cause of upheaval is inequality. Rebellions occur when men are dishonored rightly or wrongly and when they see others obtaining honors that they do not deserve. If like-minded people join the movement when the government fails to redress their grievances. Revolutions occur when insolence or disrespect is displayed by the other members. A revolutionary climate would be soon created, especially when the state officials become haughty, arrogant and drunk with power, or pay no attention to the genuine problems of the people. This leads to a deep divide in the society, especially between the state and the people. Over a period of time, people’s complaints against corrupt officials increase which culminate into revolutions. Revolutions are also the result of imbalances in the disproportionate increase in the power of the state that creates a gap between the constitution and the society. In the end, the constitution reflects social realities, the balances of social and economic forces.

Revolutionary thoughts and ideas always have an impact on the social order . Bhagat Singh studied the European revolutionary movement and was attracted to anarchism and communism. He became a confirmed atheist, socialist and communist. He was critical of the individual terrorism which was prevalent among the revolutionary youth of his time and realised the need for mass mobilisation by the Communist Party. In his final writings he argued that the party had to organise the workers and the peasantry. The fight around the small economic demands through the labour unions were the best means to educate the masses for a final struggle to conquer political power. Apart from this work it was necessary for the Communist Party to organise a military department. He stated: 'I am not a terrorist and I never was, except perhaps in the beginning of my revolutionary career. And I am convinced that we cannot gain anything through these methods. One can easily judge it from the history of the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association. All our activities were directed towards an aim, identifying ourselves with the great movement as its military wing. If anybody has misunderstood me, let him amend his ideas. He realised that the overthrow of British rule should be accompanied by the socialist reconstruction of Indian society and for this political power must be seized by the workers. Bombs and pistols were mere symbolic.

Osho rightly observed, “Man has been a calamity, a curse to existence.
Rebellion means making man a blessing to existence, not a curse. It is a risky step, but there is no gain without any risk. And this is such a tremendous change, almost a discontinuity with the past not any modified form of the past society, just a totally fresh and new society. There is no paradox. Here you have to be a rebel, but your rebellion does not mean that you have to go against something which is intelligent, intelligible. You rebel against any stupidity. Any idiocy that happens in the commune, you rebel against it. That is your responsibility, to be on guard that no stupidity, no superstition, starts getting its roots within you. Be alert.
Rebellion is your attitude of looking at things, of watching things; what is happening in you and what is happening around you. No rust should be allowed to settle. Your sword of intelligence should remain shining, that's all. And everybody is keeping his own sword shining; nobody else is keeping your sword shining. “

Finally , Vidrohi is not dead , his ideas , his thoughts are immortal. Long live the rebel, long live his revolution , the one track mind. I would like to conclude with Nietzsche lines of The Will to Power: ‘’Do you want a name for this world? A solution for all its riddles? A light for you, too, you best-concealed, strongest, most intrepid, most midnightly men?This world is the will to power and nothing besides! And you yourselves are also this will to power and nothing besides. ‘’


Siddhartha shankar Mishra,
The writer is a Lawyer
Sambalpur , Odisha







June 12, 2014

A Critical Analysis : Will Modi lead to a height or doom ?


A Critical Analysis  : Will Modi lead to a height or doom ?

Modi claims his Gujarat development model is “Inclusive” while his critics reject it as “pro-corporate and anti- poor”, “pro-elite and anti farmer” as well as “majoritarian and anti minorities”, I will be looking closely at how the hitherto excluded or marginalized populations – small farmers, tribals, Dalits, Muslims, Christians – view it.  Has it facilitated inclusion and upward mobility for them or are they being further marginalized?

The man leading polls to become India's next prime minister may finally be outrunning his past.
When thousands of terrified Muslims fled their homes during religious riots in the state of Gujarat in 2002, the state's Hindu-nationalist chief minister opposed setting up relief camps, saying these would be "child-making factories."

Mr. Modi has sought to distance himself from religious politics. Facing off against Rahul Gandhi, the 43-year-old scion of India's powerful Nehru-Gandhi political clan, whose Congress party has governed India since 2004, Mr. Modi has positioned himself as a champion of economic development and no-nonsense government. He cites growth and industrialization under his leadership in Gujarat and says all of India will enjoy the same if he becomes premier.

Opinion polls show the BJP well ahead of Congress, its main rival. A survey by the Pew Research Center found that 63% of respondents want a BJP-led government, while just 19% favor Congress.

Mr. Modi's critics say his hard-line affiliations make him unfit to lead a large, profoundly diverse country such as India. Hindus make up 80% of India's population and Muslims 13%.

India's 815 million eligible voters are going to the polls at a time of growing national dissatisfaction. To many, corruption seems to have penetrated public life at all levels. The economy, rocket-powered not long ago, has slowed. The rupee tumbled more than 20% last summer, and inflation is now 8%. Since a fatal gang rape in 2012, India has become known around the world as a dangerous place for women. Indians worry about an assertive China next door, and many feel their country has lost influence on the world stage.

Today, angling for India's highest elected office, Mr. Modi is focusing firmly on good governance and economic revival while avoiding sectarian rhetoric. A line he repeats often is, "India's government has only one religion: nation first, India first. And only one holy book: the constitution."

Mr. Modi's campaign, however, seems to be more about the man himself. In speeches, he says that because he is single and childless, he has no reason to be corrupt. Alluding to his boyhood chores at his father's snack stand, Mr. Modi frames the contest against the Congress party's Mr. Gandhi—the son, grandson and great-grandson of past prime ministers—as one between a tea seller and a prince.

Mr. Modi's admirers speak of him as a larger-than-life figure, and he hasn't tried hard to deter them. At a January rally, he said it would take a man with a "56-inch chest" to turn another Indian state into a success like Gujarat.

In 2003, Pramod Mahajan was appointed chairman of the Bharatiya Janata Party’s central campaign committee for the next year’s Lok Sabha elections. Mahajan—known for his organisational skills and his fondness for the company of wealthy industrialists—was appointed against the backdrop of an Indian economy that was growing at a rate of close to 8 percent. Buoyed by the upbeat economic mood, Mahajan, with the approval of his party leadership, assembled an expensive marketing campaign, “India Shining”, which celebrated the Indian growth story in a series of high-gloss television and newspaper advertisements. In the months before the election, the government spent more than Rs 100 crore selling the idea of an economically vibrant India to its own people, even as, according to the World Bank, close to 75 percent of the country lived on less than Rs 100 per day.

After the election, which the BJP had been widely favoured to win, Mahajan’s campaign bore the brunt of the blame for the party’s defeat. The BJP’s upbeat narrative of inclusive growth, it was said, conflicted too starkly with the below-subsistence reality of the majority of Indians. While the country was witnessing unprecedented growth, as has been the case during other periods of economic expansion—under both the Congress and the BJP—the most significant beneficiaries of that growth were a small proportion of upper- and middle-class Indians, with the overwhelming gains accumulating to the super-rich. While Mahajan might have mistakenly seen the signs of broad prosperity in the gains of a small minority, what was more surprising was that the senior leadership of the BJP had gone along with extravagant notions of a “shining” Indian economy. Given the exuberance of the campaign, it is plausible that they, too, might have gotten carried away by the seductive shimmer of growth visible amongst the select few who populate the party’s inner circle and its social periphery.

There is no doubt that, over the past few years, Modi has come to be seen as a poster boy for development-oriented governance. Gujarat, which he has run for the last 11 years, is one of India’s fastest-growing states, and Modi has been immensely successful in building a narrative that establishes his no-nonsense attitude toward governance and policy as the main reason for Gujarat’s consistent growth. To the dismay of his critics, a section of voters now hails him as a strongman with the will and wisdom to reduce corruption and deliver growth. The man once viewed only as a communal polariser has found his biggest support among major industrialists, who cherish his decisiveness even if it carries authoritarian undertones. His second rung of supporters is made up of smaller businessmen, petty traders and shopkeepers, long the BJP’s traditional constituency. In addition to these two groups, there are the increasing number of young corporate professionals from the middle classes, who aspire to move up the income ladder and see Modi as a promoter of business and efficiency. This last group has been particularly vocal in their support of Modi, and the intensity of their cries for his ascension often presents the impression that the BJP has vastly expanded its voter base. But for all their energy, this group too represents a very small proportion of India’s population; these young aspirants often come from the same upper castes that have long been the BJP’s base.

While Modi’s admirers strongly believe that his appeal will spread across lines of caste and class, right now his most ardent support comes from this same small cross-section of upper-caste Hindus, who wield a disproportionate influence within the BJP and the RSS. The party is certain in 2004 that an aspirational message would expand its voter base, but in hindsight, they seem to have been carried away by the fervour within their own ranks. Ironically, this time they may do so behind a candidate whose own origins are not upper-caste, which might otherwise have heralded a shift away from the parochial outlook to which the party has often been prone.

During the last Lok shaba poll, 714 million Indians were eligible to vote, and 8,070 candidates stood for office. In principle, any one of those candidates, if elected, could have become prime minister. In the five years since, the number of eligible voters has increased by nearly a hundred million—roughly the entire population of Mexico. Given the overwhelming complexity of such a massive exercise, commentators naturally use certain filters to distil their analysis. Among the most popular is the direct comparison of individual leaders, which frames elections as a face-off between the declared or likely prime ministerial candidates of the major political parties.

This year’s contest features two lightning rods, and commentators are pitting them against each other with renewed vigour. Both prime ministerial hopefuls are seen to have serious and divergent flaws: Rahul Gandhi invites ridicule as the face of dynastic incompetence, while Narendra Modi invokes fear as the symbol of Hindu majoritarian intolerance. Last month, an NDTV poll of over 200,000 respondents found that the preeminent concern about Gandhi becoming the next prime minister was continued corruption; with Modi, it was increased Hindu–Muslim tensions. Analysts argue that the highly charged “Gandhi or Modi?” question—a central debate on dinnertime news shows—has polarised voters. The historian Ramachandra Guha even called 2014 “the first individual-driven election” since the heyday of Indira Gandhi.

The choice of a frontman also matters to the party rank and file, the workers who are the connective tissues between candidates and ordinary voters. Modi’s popularity with the BJP cadre at party conclaves, and also in assembly election campaigns in 2012 and 2013, was crucial in vaulting him over other successful BJP chief ministers. This implies that despite being wary of Modi’s limitations as a manager of coalitions, BJP leaders recognise the electoral value of a “presidential” candidate who inspires grassroots workers. While it is true that local political conditions are more important to election outcomes than a top candidate’s popularity, the two may be indirectly connected through the canvassing efforts of especially motivated party workers, especially since, as CSDS data has consistently shown, half of all Indian voters are visited by at least one party worker during Lok Sabha campaigns.

Modi’s campaign strategy has shown signs of a similar centralisation of control. He has invested effort and money into crafting an image of presidential authority, with a campaign that trumpets self-reliance (tea vendor to chief executive) and physical vigour (the vikas purush with a chhappan-inch chest). These ideas have been disseminated via elaborate campaign rallies orchestrated by expensive public relations firms. As part of his effort to build a cult of personality, Modi has also willingly incurred the anger of elites within the BJP and the larger Sangh Parivar, as was recently illustrated when RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat discouraged his cadre from chanting Modi’s name at rallies.
Modi’s ability to bypass his party may reflect broader shifts within the Indian electorate that could facilitate increasingly prime minister–oriented campaigns. Literacy has steadily increased, from 65 percent in 2001 to 74 percent in 2011. The percentage of Indians who never read the newspaper declined from 62 to 53 percent between 1999 and 2009, according to national election surveys by the CSDS. Mobile phone penetration is also expanding, providing new (if not always reliable) ways of communicating with voters.

Yet the pace of inclusive development has been slow, and levels of deprivation remain exceedingly high. Poverty and illiteracy hardly make voters unsophisticated, but they do render citizens less accessible to centralised, media-driven campaigns. They may also limit a voter’s political horizons. The political scientist Pradeep Chhibber found that in India, the poorer the voters are, the less likely they are to believe that the central government has an impact on their lives. By extension, poorer voters may pay less attention to a party’s choice of prime ministerial candidate than more privileged ones.

Over the long term, improvements in education and technological access will allow top-down campaigns to more easily reach the Indian electorate. This does not mean Indian elections will focus entirely on parties’ choices of prime ministerial candidates, but it could lead to the increased importance of those choices relative to other factors. However, given our sluggish record of human development, only equally incremental conclusions about shifts in the political landscape are defensible. For now, we must remain wary of constructing presidential yardsticks to measure the worth of prime ministerial aspirants.  


Modi, 63, is currrently the frontrunner, with surveys repeatedly placing him ahead of 43-year-old Rahul Gandhi, the scion of India's first political family and candidate for the incumbents, the venerable Congress party.

The battle between the two draws sharp lines across the Indian political landscape. Modi is proud to call himself a "Hindu nationalist" and appears to favour radical reform of the country's flagging economy. Gandhi holds true to the leftwing economics and belief in religious pluralism that is the legacy of his great grandfather, Jawarharlal Nehru, the country's first prime minister.


The BJP believes Modi, one of the most polarising figures to walk the Indian political stage for many years, can lead it to a landslide victory, despite opposition claims that he is a demagogue and a "hatemonger". After a false start in 1996, the party won real power for the first time two years later, but lost the 2004 elections. Now BJP strategists believe they have an opportunity to end the long decades of Congress dominance for good – and with it the power of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty. Insider v outsider, dynast v working-class boy made good, suspected sectarian v secularist: this electoral battle has it all. Some analysts talk of the most significant contest since India won its independence from Britain in 1947.


But there are many criticisms too. Both Modi's claims of economic achievement and his cosiness with India's so-called "croney capitalists" are frequently questioned. Many say growth in Gujarat is no greater than that in several other states in India and is considerably less well-distributed. Amartya Sen, the Nobel laureate economist, has said the state's social and economic progress is poor. Others claim that keeping growth at healthy levels in Gujarat, a mid-sized state with a strong tradition of trade and a better infrastructure than much of the country, is easier than elsewhere. The chief minister's executive ability is not a result of administrative skill, some argue , but of deep, aggressively authoritarian instincts. In Gujarat, journalists in Ahmedabad say, simple intimidation has reduced the press corps to cowed servility. Modi is not a man who patiently builds consensus. He does not, it appears, like to be challenged.


But it is not economics, nor even his alleged dictatorial tendencies, that makes Modi such a polarising figure. It is violence, and specifically an outbreak of rioting in Gujarat in 2002 triggered by the deaths of 59 Hindu pilgrims after their train was torched in a largely Muslim town. Of the thousand or more killed and hundreds of thousands forced out of their homes in the chaos that followed, most were Muslims.


There are many reasons for this. India has long been prone to periodic bouts of communal violence, and political opponents, cynically or otherwise, repeatedly cite the 2002 rioting to highlight the threat of sectarian conflict if Modi wins the coming elections. Though Modi has not been convicted, they point out, associates have been sent to prison for their role in the violence. There are also many ordinary Indians, and not just India's Muslim minority, who are deeply committed to a tolerant, pluralist, progressive vision of India and who believe Modi would divide and damage their country.


Christophe Jaffrelot, a political scientist who specialises in extremism in south Asia, says Modi has effectively "emancipated himself" from the RSS high command, who traditionally outrank even senior BJP figures. Yet, he adds, Modi may well "do anyway what the RSS has wanted to do for decades because he is perfectly in tune with their ideology."
With the Congress Party-led coalition facing wide criticism for corruption and ineffectiveness, Modi’s chances look good. But he will also have to overcome opposition within his own party. During a decade as chief minister, he has earned quite a few enemies. “He believes that if you really want to do certain things, you cannot waste time in discussions and compromising,” says Ghanshyam Shah, a political scientist in Ahmedabad. Those who challenged him, including ministers in his own cabinet, were shut out, and Modi refused to allow them to stand for election on BJP tickets. One faction split off into a new party; another group defected to the opposition. By the end of 2006, Modi had effectively replaced the entire political leadership of the state with those loyal to him. “In Gujarat, the BJP became Modi – one voice,” says Shah. “Anyone who had a different voice had no place within the party.” That approach has left Modi alienated within his own party, but he’ll need the BJP machinery to actually run a national campaign. Even if he doesn’t become prime minister, Modi offers a glimpse of what India might be like if it became, as some of its critics wish, a little more like China. He represents a new kind of Indian politician — democratically elected but authoritarian in style and spirit. “The future belongs to that kind of politics,” voice of many.

Has India become so desperate for rapid economic growth, so blinded by the promise of prosperity? It seems that, in the race towards higher GDP, the majority of India is willing to inject itself with the steroids of bigotry or ruthlessness. Ethics be damned.


I am sure BJP is B team of Congress when it comes to corruption, looting, raping and cheating the people. Look at Modi. His minister Maya Kodani is in jail with life imprisonment. His right hand Amit Shah is out of jail on bail. Gun toting Congress goon Vittal Rathadia was given MP seat by Modi in the recent by-election. CAG indicted Modi with 15000 crore looting. BJP is extremely good in creating fake propaganda. They wanted to build Ram Temple. They could demolish the masjid when they were in opposition. But, they did not build the temple when they were in power both at center and state. When BJP was branded a rogue party, they projected Vajpayeeji as a 'good person in bad company'. Cheated the people and came to power. When they were failing, they created a hype called 'Efficient Vajpayee'. That did not work. They created 'India Shines'. That did not work. Now, they have come up with brand Modi. They have spent thousands of crores to build his image with the help of international PR agencies funded by corporate houses. But, what happened to the fake propaganda of 'Efficient Vajpayee' and 'India Shines' will surely happen to 'Brand Modi'. BJP will disintegrate after 2014 elections. Congress will loose its national relevance.People are desperate for an honest and clean politics. God save India !

Siddhartha Shankar Mishra,
Sambalpur, Odisha


May 07, 2014

Politics : A money game, 1- 15 , May 2014, Just In Print



Politics: A money game

In India, the news may not come as a surprise to many: that you have to be rich to be a successful politician. Or you could enhance your wealth a whopping 1000 fold from the time you join the ruling caucus till its mandatory five year term ends. Two events did the rounds very recently to endorse the fact that the heady mix of crime, money and politics is here to stay in the Indian political canvas.

Now, in 2014, corruption is the greatest challenge Indian democracy faces. “The fact that it has penetrated India's entire political fabric has troubling implications for any democracy,” Kugelman said. “This is not to say democracies aren't corrupt; rare is the democracy that doesn't suffer from it. Yet India's scandals seem to be so much bigger – involving more money and abuses of power – than seems the norm. Such corruption helps explain why politicians are so unpopular in India, and in the long term – if not addressed – this systemic corruption could imperil the social contract between people and state that is meant to embody democracy.”

The  elections in India have confirmed the fact that in India we have a socalled 'democratic' system that truly allows people to replace one set of rulers by another. But is it a sign of true democracy?
The political system that exsits in India is not democracy. It can be called 'richocracy', i.e. the rule by the rich. When the affairs of the state are decided by political parties that are funded and controlled by the very rich, who are a small minority, when the institutions of the country such as the courts are dominated by the very wealthy class, such a system is not democracy.
How can you have true democracy when the the majority of Indians who live in the rural areas live in poverty? They have no electricity, no clean drinking water and no good schools? The fact that the traders, and the middle classes, who live in big cities, and who constitute a minority of the one billion Indian people, enjoy wealth and have good schools does not prove that we have true democracy.


No one bothers to inquire how these people get rich after they win the elections; officially they just have moderate salaries. It’s a family business now, heir to the thrones of these politicians succeed them. You will see political families ruling people and they vote for them. Democracy is chaos in India.

The effects of money in politics are topics of heated debate in media and political circles in most liberal democracies. 

How much does it cost to run a political party? If you go by the audited balance sheet of the Congress for 2009-10 (the latest available), the answer is Rs 525.97 crore. This is a party with several million workers, offices in every one of our 35 states and union territories (UTs) and which fights an average of seven assembly elections each year. The audited balance sheet of India’s second largest party, the BJP, is equally modest. Its annual expenditure for 2009-10: Rs 261.74 crore.

In the five recent state assembly elections, the Congress and the BJP together fielded over one thousand candidates. According to the Election Commission’s unofficial estimates, the average campaign expenditure of a candidate is between Rs 2.5 crore and Rs 5 crore for an assembly constituency (official EC cap: Rs 25 lakh) and between Rs 5 and Rs 20 crore for a Lok Sabha constituency (official EC cap: Rs 40 lakh).

 Hawala system is an alternative money remittance system primarily practiced in South Asia, Middle East and North Africa. This informal fund transfer system is also addressed as Hundi and it operates via a large network of brokers, also known as ‘Hawaladars’. The origin of the Hawala system remains in classic laws of Islamic religion. In general the basic Hawala transactions take place by transferring money without actually moving it. It has emerged as a popular process of money laundering, a method through which the black money earned from illegal sources are converted into white money. This process has no doubt grown into popularity amongst the corrupted cult of politicians and business men in India and abroad. In short Hawala meaning is an undercover alternative banking method for global money transaction that is primarily based on trust. NGO’s and Trusts are being used as safest method to do Hawala Transactions.Since money received by these organizations is tax free and no investigation is done.

Unfortunately, in India many of the eminent politicians and business tycoons use the same means to transfer lump sum to their foreign accounts. The Hawala transaction is quite straight forward and convenient for those who are aware of it. In fact it is a centuries’ long practice that seem to remain in popularity in future.

Politicians in India earn large sums of money from illegal sources and the black money is neither recorded nor taxed by the government. Since this is risky to invest the money inside the country, they resort to the Hawala system to transfer it to some safe haven. Thus Hawala method is the best suited process for the corrupted political cult to siphon the country’s funds to foreign countries. Most of their much speculated secret Swiss bank accounts are funded by money laundered through the Hawala channels.
Of late our Indian democracy being throttled to slow death by the stinking corrupt politicians. Whole India is facing this sort of undue advantage by these political bosses and they dictate who runs the administrations as well as policies of governance.

If we take a look at the number of wealthy candidates contesting elections and lure the voters it is clearly visible that Indian Politics has stooped so low to the money & muscle power. Most of the elected representatives of state assemblies and central parliamentary itself a fine example of how the money power dominates the governance. Root cause for additional corruption of course and the lust for money grows day by day to remain in power. 

The way cash directs the course of politics and its display and use mark strength of the support base of a politician or his group, then it is the clear sign of death of democracy. 
A combination of wealth and political power can be awesome and it can help keep a distance between the ruler class and the ruled which is anathema to the concept of participatory democracy. But when currency notes win votes, one has to forcibly accept this negative development. This, in fact, has become more a rule, less an exception.

There was a time when the country was aghast at the fact that businessmen directed policy and if not, they secured licences by corrupt practices. Businessmen were seen as a corrupting influence and industrial groups' names were used in the public speeches as pejorative expressions.

Then, with liberalisation, when business became respectable, they began to talk about what they wanted and it was limited to policy suggestions via their lobbies like the Confederation of Indian Industry, the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry and the Indian Merchants' Chamber.

 The political class, which promotes dynasties, has wealth to invest in politics to make more of it, have subverted democracy. But we in the country only talk of the 'demand for leadership change by dissidents' and ignore the basis.

The other side of our Indian Politics is dynastic rule where the existing politicians wants to promote their wards, kith and kin in Politics as well as sharing the power. Almost all over the nation irrespective of states we can see this dracula of dynastic rule emerging in the past 2 decades.

Unless and otherwise educated youth, professionals and persons of eminient character enter politics we will not see the change in our governance. 

 It is a human story, but it's also a political story that speaks volumes about our democratic system. It's a story that can be multiplied innumerable times at every level of public life across the nation where, alas, bribery—either explicit or implicit—remains far too common. 


Less harmful than outright corruption, but also insidious, is how quickly public servants will leap at the chance to make more money working for the other side—as lobbyists who pester their former colleagues on behalf of wealthy interests. 

What's the solution here? Well, tougher rules to keep lobbyists away from politicians would be helpful, and—of course—public financing of campaigns could make a big difference. But consideration should also be given to raising the pay of public officials at all levels, so they can afford a reasonable standard of living while they serve their fellow citizens. 

Siddhartha Shankar Mishra,
Sambalpur, Odisha